An example of the hutongs (back alleys) of Beijing.

In Beijing, as in Washington D.C., the talk of the town is politics, but it is hard to say exactly what to call China's politics. In the offices of CaiJing Magazine, a business trade publication, the managing editor told us that there is no one political ideology in China. China is "a plurality of voices" and the economic system is "barbarian capitalism," capitalism without rules. But while China's communist ideology may be waning, the China Communist Party (the CCP) itself is still in firm control of China's political system. For example, the editors of CaiJing do not publish any story they find news worthy, but self-censor themselves. They can publish what they want (no government censor looks over their work), but if the government is upset with what they say then they face punishments such as fines or loss of publishing license (in effect forcing them to shut down). At this point the CCP seems to be communist in name only or when it suits them, such as when banners guide or educate the public using communist-style slogans (“It is moral to have clean streets” —; that sort of thing). As long as the party leaders maintain their grip on power, they are happy to let their control over the economic ideology go.

However, not everyone is happy with the transformation China is undergoing. We heard stories that out in Gansu province workers recently went on strike because the government cut back on their health care. The iron rice bowl is rusting out as state run businesses are shifted into the private sector. In an art gallery in Beijing some artists take direct aim at the CCP, while others are critical of newly imported Western capitalism. I met an artist who created a model of the Imperial Palace covered in miniature people and the detritus of contemporary life —; a chaotic mess of cars, busses, cell phones, trash, etc. In broken English he pointed to the mess and people and said "new," while tapping the palace and saying "old." Another artist depicted Chinese babies, covered in toxic looking sores, crying while holding Pepsi cans and crawling in a field of Kentucky Fried Chicken. Both pictures conveyed that Western globalization is smothering or destroying old China.

We also encountered some people with overly idealized visions of the Cultural Revolution. One staff member at CaiJing magazine described the Revolution as endowing people with a sense of “social responsibility” that young people do not have in China today. Another student I talked with told me that the Revolution seemed exciting and romantic, and that even though there were many bad things that happened, people were very committed to their ideas, a trait she admired. She told me that today in China people are too interested in making money and not in the common good or in sacrificing for their ideas. This talk sounded similar to that of traditionalists in America (otherwise known as Christian conservatives), who look back to “a simpler time,” which usually looks like the 1950s of white suburbia and Leave it to Beaver. Turning back attitudes is as difficult as turning back time, and besides, isn’t it a universal human trait to pine for the older, simpler ways when new technologies cause sea changes in thought and behavior?

How far can China develop capitalism and adopt the accouterments of Western technology and culture before either the party feels threatened or the people begin to want more say in the government? Right now everyone is speaking very cautiously about whether they want democracy. In Xi’an, some students shot me the party line that they have democracy already as they explained a picture depicting women and men casting ballots. When I asked them when elections take place they did not give me an answer, nor had they ever taken part in an election themselves. I later found out that when elections do take place, which happens in some of the provincial towns, only party members can vote and the decision has basically already been made before ballots are cast. And on the national level, leaders are not voted for, they are promoted.

The largest obstacle to democracy taking hold in China is education. There is no standard of education across the country. The students we met on our trip were the best and the brightest, and they flocked to the cities for an education that was not available in the outer provinces. In addition, people must want to take on the responsibility of deciding political events for themselves. In a country with a long history of imperial rule and a recent history of communist-style dictatorship, this impulse may need some kindling.

It seems to be an axiom in America that where there is capitalism there is also democracy. Economic freedom leads to a growing upper and middle class of people who feel entitled to a certain amount of say in how their country is run and, out of protection of their own interests, have a stake in government policies. Once this class of people has the financial resources to be reckoned with by those in power than the political system undergoes a paradigm shift and those in power must cede some of their control. The internet and communication technology also factor into this equation. College students in China download reruns of television shows like Friends as well as American movies like Singing in the Rain and The Matrix over the web. They want the American lifestyle as depicted through our cultural exports. As they age and become wealthier and produce children that share their values they will drive cultural change at large —; demanding freedom of press and wanting their voices to be heard. China is on the road to democracy, though it may be a few decades before they arrive at democratic elections. (Unless they surprise all of us and, in a reactionary move, swing back towards communist dictatorship.)

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